Balgarianovinite.com
Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene (R-Ga.) announced last month she will resign from Congress, citing frustration with party leadership and her fallout with President Donald Trump. Her rift with leadership is visible not only in her rhetoric but also in her fundraising profile, which relies heavily on small donors and only minimally on contributions from political action committees.
Greene’s reliance on individual donors has given her the freedom to operate with little regard for the wants of the GOP leadership. She’s broken with the party’s upper echelon on issues like the war in Gaza and releasing documents related to sex offender Jeffrey Epstein.
Before November, Greene was one of Trump’s most ardent supporters but tension with her party is nothing new. She has openly criticized both former Speaker Kevin McCarthy (R-Calif.) and his successor, Speaker Mike Johnson (R-La.). Although she eventually formed an alliance with McCarthy during his speakership, her attacks on Johnson during his time at the top have only intensified. In 2024, Greene introduced a motion to oust the speaker. Earlier this fall, Greene lambasted GOP men, calling them “weak” and said they were “afraid of strong Republican women.”
Trump withdrew his endorsement of Greene following her divergence on high-profile issues. Along with four other House Republicans, she joined Democrats in petitioning to force a vote to release the full Justice Department files related to Epstein. Greene speculated that Trump’s withdrawal of support for her was in response to her push to release the files, and accused him of trying to intimidate other House Republicans ahead of the vote. She had also critiqued the president’s trade tariffs and focus on foreign policy, saying she wanted him to pay more attention to domestic issues.
Small-donor fundraising fueled by controversy
Greene has repeatedly turned controversy into fuel for campaign fundraising. After winning her first term in 2020, she quickly learned how to rake in small-donor donations by stoking controversy and garnering headlines. Since her first election, contributions to Greene’s campaigns have increasingly come from small donors.
In the most recent election, Greene received 72.7 percent of her campaign dollars from small-dollar donors, the highest share of any federal lawmaker. (Members of Congress as a whole raised 27.6 percent of their dollar contributions from individual small donors.) High-profile candidates, like Greene, and candidates who campaign on rejecting corporate PAC money, such as Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D-N.Y.), often have high shares of contributions from small donors.
Greene received just $35,250 from PACs, which made up less than 0.005 percent of total contributions to her campaign. The majority of those contributions come from ideological PACs, leadership PACs and candidate committees, rather than corporate and industry PACs.
She hasn’t always been such a natural fundraiser. During her first campaign, Greene self-financed about 37 percent of her campaign. Not until after she was elected and her long record of spreading sometimes violent or anti-Semitic conspiracy theories garnered national attention did contributions begin pouring into her campaign. After her colleagues in the House stripped her of her committee assignments in repudiation of her rhetoric, Greene capitalized on the controversy, writing in her fundraising emails, “Without your support, I have no way of defending myself.” In the first quarter of 2021, she raised $3.2 million. That’s more than the $2.6 million she raised for her 2020 campaign in total.
This pattern has continued through her time in Congress. When Greene has criticized or gone against Republican leadership her campaign coffers have benefitted, such as when she introduced a motion to oust Johnson.
She’s continued to rail against Johnson. In her resignation letter, Greene criticized him for sending the House home for nearly eight weeks before and during the government shutdown and for not allowing many members’ bills to come to the floor for a vote. By sending members home and delaying the swearing-in of a new House member, Adelita Grijalva (D-Ariz.), Johnson was able to put off a vote on the discharge petition directing the administration to release the Epstein files.
Rift over Israel
Greene claimed in her resignation letter to have one of the most conservative voting records, and she identified the few areas in which she voted against her party, including her positions on foreign policy, saying she’s “never voted to fund foreign wars.”
She described expecting more loyalty from the president and her party:
“Loyalty should be a two way street and we should be able to vote our conscience and represent our district’s interest because our job title is literally, ‘Representative.’
America First should mean America First and only Americans First, with no other foreign country ever being attached to America First in our halls of government.”
Greene has been particularly outspoken on Israel over the past year, and as she clashed with Trump, she proudly touted that she’s never received contributions from the American Israel Public Affairs Committee.
Tensions escalated further in July when Greene introduced six amendments to the House defense appropriations bill that included a $500 million cut to funds for Israel’s missile defense programs and an amendment barring funds in the bill from being used for assistance to Ukraine. All six amendments were voted down. Her proposed cut to funding for Israel’s missile programs only received support from one fellow GOP member, Rep. Thomas Massie (Ky.) and five progressive Democrats.
That same month, Greene appeared to be the first Republican to call the humanitarian crisis in Gaza a “genocide” in a social media post. AIPAC, one of the country’s most influential lobbying groups, quickly slammed Greene in a fundraising email for her remarks.
“You expect anti-Israel smears from Rashida Tlaib and Ilhan Omar,” AIPAC wrote. “But now, Marjorie Taylor Greene has joined their ranks – spouting the same vile rhetoric and voting against the US-Israel alliance.”
Greene quickly hit back at the lobbying powerhouse and said she was one of the only members of Congress who didn’t take money from AIPAC. (Federal law bars businesses, nonprofits and other organizations from donating to candidates’ campaign committees. OpenSecrets aggregates contributions from AIPAC’s PAC, employees and earmarked contributions collected by the organization and sent to candidates.)
“The truth is AIPAC needs to register as a foreign lobbyist by U.S. law because they are representing the secular government of nuclear armed Israel 100%,” Greene posted on X in response.
Greene is one of only 20 members of her party who were elected in 2024 who didn’t receive contributions from AIPAC. About 91 percent of Republicans elected that year had received contributions from AIPAC, which began to significantly direct contributions to congressional candidates in 2022. About two-thirds of Democratic House members elected in 2024 received money from AIPAC.
On average, Republican and Democratic House members received $66,000 and $117,000, respectively.
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