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Two hundred and fifty years ago, a group of men did something radical. They did not merely pick up arms. They picked up a pen. They named their grievances. They published them. And they insisted that power, however entrenched, wealthy or distant, must answer to the people it claims to serve.
The founders were not naive about human nature. They had read their Locke and their Montesquieu. They understood that ambition, left unchecked, devours the institutions built to contain it. So they designed a republic not for angels, but for mortals: with sunlight built into its architecture. The press would expose. The public would judge. Accountability would be the load-bearing wall of self-governance.
But a republic is not a gift. It is a practice. And in each generation, the question renews itself: Who holds power, and who can see it?
As we mark this anniversary, the threats to self-governance that the founders feared did not go away with the revolution. They evolved. And 250 years later, the work of keeping this republic honest and visible to its citizens continues with the same urgency today as it did in 1776.
Their struggle and ours are not so different.
The founders’ deepest grievance was not taxation, but the invisible hand behind it imposing policies like the Stamp Act and the Tea Act. Consequential decisions were being made by interests that ordinary citizens couldn’t see or name. Wealthy loyalists and powerful merchants shaped colonial laws through back-channel dealing and undisclosed patronage. The people had no way to follow the money.
Today, that problem has a different architecture but the same logic. Dark money flows through layered legal structures, funding campaigns and policies whose true donors remain hidden. Billions are spent each cycle to shape who governs and how.
OpenSecrets exists to make visible what the powerful would prefer to remain in the dark. It’s a massive undertaking, and one that we cannot do alone. We estimate that $1.4 billion, nearly 10% of all spending in the 2024 elections, was dark money, or spending by groups that do not disclose their donors. That is more than double the amount of dark money in 2010, the first election to follow Citizens United, and the highest so far. The trajectory is ever toward more dark money in elections, which is why we are grateful for peers in journalism and the nonprofit sector who have joined the effort to track and shine a light on such spending. The public deserves to know who is paying for political ads, mailers and other attempts to influence voters, politicians or policy.
Naming the problem, however, is only the beginning. The founders understood that self-governance is only as strong as the information available to the people doing the governing. They empowered a free press, published their arguments openly, and insisted that the workings of power be legible to ordinary citizens.
That commitment to informed citizenship is not a historical artifact. It is a living requirement. Today, making money in politics decipherable requires building and maintaining vast databases, tracking lobbying disclosures, and mapping the complex networks where influence travels. It is painstaking, unglamorous work.
And it is also, in the oldest sense, the work the founders asked of every generation that followed. They left a radical precedent for this kind of work. The Declaration itself was an act of transparency. It was a public accounting of abuses, and the founders knew that naming power, even as they put their freedom at risk, was the precondition for checking it.
That remains true today. A democracy in which the financial forces that shape legislation stay hidden is a democracy in name only. The corruption the founders feared was not only moral but structural. Money left unchecked or unseen has the capacity to slowly erode the bond between the government and the governed.
To corrupt, as the Latin root tells us, is to break apart what should remain whole. The work of transparency is the work of repair.
In 250 years, the promise of this republic has been tested by war, injustice, and by the long and unfinished struggle to extend its ideals to every citizen. It has endured not because its institutions were perfect, but because enough people, in each generation, chose to do the hard work of keeping it honest.
OpenSecrets is part of that inheritance. Not because we stood at the founding, but because the founding made a demand on every generation that followed: Guard this thing. Keep it visible. Insist that power answer.
The revolution was never meant to be a single moment. It was always meant to be a practice renewed daily, in the unglamorous work of holding power to account.
Two hundred and fifty years on, that work continues.
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